Kim Woo-gyeong, a lawyer representing the student Hong Ye-young, filed an emergency request to stop mandatory vaccines for third-year high school students in South Korea on July 19 at the Cheongju local court–where the Disease Control and Prevention Agency (DCPA) is located. The request was but part of a legal effort to block the dangerous implementation of the vaccine regime that is supported an association of parents across the country.
Although the request for an emergency halt required a decision from the government within a few days, the response was delayed for over ten days. Moreover, the court notified Kim by phone, days before the hearing, that the DCPA was not prepared to respond to the emergency request and demanded a further delay.
When a hearing was held on August 12, the presiding judge had been inexplicably changed. The new Judge, Kim Seong-soo, summarily dismissed the request without explanation, and brushed off questions concerning the unreasonable delay as a “misunderstanding.” His attitude suggested that his primary role was to block any action.
Lawyer Kim, sensing that due process had reached a dead end, requested the recusal of the judge in light of his bias. The emergency request for a stop of vaccinations went no further, but the larger law suit against the DCPA continues with greater intensity.
The DCPA has become the default government of South Korea over the last year, working together with corrupt elements in the National Intelligence Service and in the corporate world to force-feed the vaccine regime to the Korean people. In most likelihood, the sudden change of the judge was the result of the use of classified directives within DCPA that make it impossible for the government to reveal the nature of internal governance.
After decades of battling for democracy, South Korea has been reduced to a shadow government.
The fight against bio-fascism, and against the vaccine regime in specific, is clearly growing in Korea. Although traditionally Koreans tend to have a high level of trust in the government, as opposed to Americans and Europeans, now that the official numbers of dead as result of vaccines have surpassed 700 (which is just a fraction of the actual number killed) an unspoken unease is creeping into conversations. Whereas friends asked each other whether they had been vaccinated as a new greeting, and donned that cute “I was vaccinated” buttons given out by the government, harsh anti-vaccination postings, and demands for the execution of public officials on the internet are increasing.
You would never guess if you looked at the television news. Half of content is people lining up for vaccines, discussions of the merits of different brands of vaccines, and interviews with happy children who tell us how great they feel after their jabs.
The corporate media, including the “leftist” media sources like Hangyoreh Newspaper and Sisa-In Magazine, have bought into the COVID19 fiction entirely.
It is only right-wing media sources, like the Epoch Times (run by the Falungong cult), that are permitted to report on the dangers of the vaccines in depth. This odd state of affairs does not represent the high quality of journalism at the Epoch Times, a far-right anti-communist journal funded by a handful of rich patrons in Taiwan and elsewhere, but is rather the product of an intentional political game wherein only the most virulent anti-Chinese media is allowed to report on the danger of vaccines so as to make it appear as if the Moon administration is pro-Chinese because it promotes vaccines. The truth is that President Moon is deeply unpopular in China where he is perceived as an American stooge.
The People’s Republic of China is also occupied by globalist, pro-vaccine, forces. But the right-wing narrative that Moon is promoting COVID19 because he is a puppet of China and North Korea is specious, intended to distract attention from how global finance, and not Communists, dominate the Moon administration.
Christian groups have bravely stood up against the vaccine regime. The Christian Daily (Gidok ilbo) ran several important articles critiquing COVID19 policy that were widely read. In addition, the Christian doctor Oh Gyeong-seok, located at the Atlanta University of Health Sciences, has taken the lead in the fight to report on the true dangers of masks and vaccines.
But the Christian opposition to the COVID19 regime also has some wrinkles in it. The willingness of Christians to seek out the truth has been critical, but Christians are being manipulated as a means of drawing attention away from the real players.
For example, the government dispatched officials to churches to block Sunday services and to enforce ridiculous social distancing rules during August COVID19 lockdowns.
These actions were taken at the same time that buses and subways were subject to no restrictions. Yet not a single COVID19 case was reported in the crowded subways or buses.
The bias against churches was obvious. Yet, it made no political sense for the Moon administration to single out churches. Most likely that these actions were forced on Moon by the globalists so that he could be branded as a communist in the media.
The drive to blame everything wrong with COVID19 policy on North Korea and China, rather than multinational corporations, is one of the most popular themes in the conservative media.
Perhaps the most important source for information about the COVID19 scam is “Corona Mystery,” a compact and logically structured book packed with scientific facts. Written by Kim Sang-soo, a doctor practicing traditional Korean homeopathic medicine, “Corona Mystery” is written in an accessible style that made it an underground best seller, especially among young people trying to understand what is going on.
Sadly, many of the high school students who have learned the truth about COVID19 from “Corona Mystery” were nevertheless forced by their parents to take the vaccine. The result has been not only serious health problems, but also despair and suicide.
The Seoul National University professor emeritus Lee Wangjae has given numerous lectures for the public about the misinformation on COVID19.
Korea has a few brave bloggers willing to take this criminal operation by the horns, providing in-depth reports for the public that are otherwise unavailable. Shin Jaeno, under his pen name “Truth Musician ZENO,” offers some of the most creative and inspiring work. Shin gave up his musical career, and his social life, to dedicate his days to writing broadcasts on COVID19 and documenting criminal actions in Korea, and around the world, that have resulted. He translated many videos from English to Korean for a general audience.
Image for Truth Musician Zeno” by artist Kim Kido
Shin wrote several important protest songs against the COVID19 regime that have inspired young people to be politically active. Although his postings on YouTube, Daum, Naver, and elsewhere are deleted as quickly as he gets them up, he never gives up.
Shin joined forces last year with Kim Hyung-nam, a former government official and a lawyer, to establish the Pandemic Investigation Committee (PIC). This organization has been central in advocating for science in the medical field and for opposing the mask and the vaccine mandates.
The Pandemic Investigation Committee organizes Saturday protests in Gwanghwa Gate Plaza, in downtown Seoul, at which a group of loyal members deliver speeches, distribute materials about the true nature of the covid pandemic, put on amusing performances, and confront the police and government officials who are sent to disrupt.
Another regular protestor of the Pandemic Investigation Committee is Ri Nayun, a vocal critic of South Korean political oppression and an advocate for closer ties with North Korea. She has delivered some of the most passionate speeches at the protests, and takes the lead in questioning the legal authority of government officials who try to stop the protests.
Han Seong-young, a former member of the Korean Federation of Trade Unions (an organization that was previously central in leftist politics but that is promoting vaccines today) also plays a critical role in the administration of the Pandemic Investigation Committee.
Another musician deeply involved in the protests is Choe Sung-nyon (known also by his nickname “choeREDi”). Choe spent time in jail for his protests of the election fraud that brought Park Geun-hye to power in 2013. He was also active in the protests against the fraudulent 2020 election that gave the Democratic Party a gross advantage.
Choe had the tenacity to establish a “Khan Communist Party” in violation of the National Security Law and to take on the full power of the corporate state in his political magazine “Mal.” “Mal” (language) was the title of an important intellectual journal that closed down in 2009. Choe uses music and language to carve a new space for expression in a banal modern society.
The Pandemic Investigation Committee shares the same protest space on the Gwanghwa Gate Plaza with right-wing organizations attacking the Moon administration as a communist front and promoting the US-Korea Alliance. Although the leftists in the PIC might be expected to clash with the right-wing protesters, the groups share common ground on the issue of vaccines, and the criminality of the Moon administration, that makes unexpected exchanges possible.
Kim Taepyong, a government official at the provincial court for Chollanamdo Province, led a spirited protest on September 1 in front of the provincial offices in which he held up a banner with a picture of a wolf declaring that the government was lying about vaccines and must stop making fools of the citizens. Mr. Kim explained, “I was a student activist a long time ago and dreamed of creating a better world. When I watched how the lives of citizens running small stores were destroyed by COVID19, I could not stand it any longer. Even it was me alone, I would protest.”
And protest he has, confronting his colleagues with the truth as they walk to work.
Kim Tae-pyong (second from left)
Dr. Kim Sang-soo is the head of MASGOV (Medical Association to Ensure Safety of COVID-19 Vaccinations) a group of ethical doctors who have stepped forward to demand an end to the vaccination regime. They issued a declaration on August 15 in which they stated that there was no scientific justification for facemasks, that social distancing policy must be ended immediately, that schools must be reopened and that vaccination policy must be entirely rethought.
Oddly, although Koreans have not organized the massive protests that we see in Europe and the United States. The police in Korea have not used the same level of brutality to suppress protests and to enforce fines for not wearing a mask. If anything, harassment of protesters is less today than it was a few months ago.
Korean politicians on COVID19
The mask, vaccine, and social distancing policies of the central government are fully supported across the board in the National Assembly and in the central government. No political party has drawn into question the policies or the assumptions that lie behind them in the policy debate.
The “progressive” Democratic Party has not only embraced the vaccine regime, it has also publicized the hyped success of its epidemic control policies as its achievement. In a disgusting political move, the recognition in corporate media for the so-called “K Pandemic Control” was presented in Korea as the primary reason why the Democratic Party was so successful in the 2020 election (which was the result of voter fraud).
Most shocking in South Korea is the remarkable loyalty of the “think left; live right” weekend progressive professors, lawyers and mid-level government officials to President Moon Jae-in of the Democratic Party. The blatant totalitarian trends in the government and corporations seem to be invisible to them.
The odd psychology of the progressive class can be understood if we consider the manner in which Moon was installed as president in the first place.
When the conservative President Park Geun-hye was installed as president through voter fraud in 2013, a group of committed intellectuals and government officials threw themselves into a systematic investigation of the manner in which the votes were altered. When this threat to the system reached a peak, and starting to receive coverage in the media, everything was blocked out by reports about the Sewol Ferry sinking. This suspicious sinking, supposedly the result of Park’s incompetence, lead to the unnecessary deaths of hundreds of school children. Although the actual details of the sinking were suppressed, the intention of the reporting was clear: direct attention away from institutional corruption (across party times) that supported fixed elections and focus it on the personality problems of President Park.
For all its flaws, the Park administration tried to assert diplomatic independence—perhaps because Park Geun-hye drew inspiration from the similar efforts of her father Park Chung-hee before he was assassinated in 1979. She spoke of the “bonanza” to be gained from reunification with North Korea and although efforts to expand ties with the North were blocked at every level by the US, she tried to open up a dialogue.
Moreover, her advisors entered into low-key discussions with China that produced an agreement for “comprehensive security cooperation.” That agreement had the potential to make South Korea a player in security policy in East Asia. The Park administration also entered into negotiations with Russia that laid the groundwork for extensive economic integration. These initiatives, often in blatant defiance of Washington’s criticism, demonstrated that Korea was moving towards a new level of political and economic independence.
In the end, Park’s conservative credentials were not enough to protect her when the Washington insiders grew nervous and launched a “color revolution” to take her down and to imprison her.
The next step was the launch of the “candlelight protests” that brought tens of thousands into the streets to criticize Park Geun-hye in a reductive and simplistic campaign that permanently corrupted the souls of Korean progressives. These protests were carefully marketed to give the participants the impression that they were the legacy of the democracy movement of the 1980s. But this protest was much easier, fashioned for upper-middle class progressive-minded people. There was no risk of jail time, no beatings by the police, and no questioning of the fundamental economic and pollical structure of South Korea.
Prepackaged protest signs were supplied to the protesters by corporations close to the Democratic Party, signs that demanded Park’s resignation and denounced her corruption. Few protesters made their own posters and there were no discussions in Seoul between citizens about the nature of political corruption in the country.
The protests were endlessly reported in the commercial media at home and abroad—and praised by mainstream public intellectuals like Francis Fukuyama in the United States. Koreans were convinced that they had come of age as an “advanced nation” and all they had to do be respected and a member of the G7 was to impeach Park.
Fabricated stories about Park engaging in late night orgies at the Blue House and cavorting with shamans were swallowed whole by the progressives, and repeated without any evidence in the mainstream media.
The real give away in that color revolution was the decision of the US embassy in Seoul to turn off the lights on one floor in support for the candlelight protests on December 4, 2016. US embassies have not supported serious democracy moments in the last twenty years.
The corporate media made it clear that the one way forward was for South Korea to elect the Democratic Party candidate Moon Jae-in. Moon was consequently elected in 2017.
When Park Geun-hye was convicted, and sentenced to decades in prison something seemed wrong. When Moon backed just about every trade and security proposal from Washington, and raised the defense budget far beyond anything under Park, the cat was out of the bag.
The broad acceptance of the Candlelight Protests as a legitimate political movement so compromised the moral compass of the progressives that when the blatantly rigged 2020 elections favored the “progressive” Democratic Party and the president who had visited North Korea for peace talks then ordered fascistic COVID19 lockdowns, there was barely a peep.
The Justice Party (Jeonguidang), generally considered to be to the left of the Democratic Party, also embraced the COVID19 story.
Nor did the People’s Power Party (Gukmin ui him), the major conservative opposition party, offer any serious questions about the COVID regime. If anything, the People’s Power Party criticized the Moon administration for not securing enough vaccines quickly.
One exception to the silence was the conversative politician Min Gyeong-uk of People’s Power Party who demanded an investigation of the irregularities in the 2020 election, and criticized the COVID19 lockdowns, suggesting that the whole COVID narrative was a fraud. Min did what no other office holder could, but he did so only in postings on Facebook and in short remarks that had no effect.
Park Geun-hye’s supporters, especially the group Taepyung, went the furthest of all political groups in their criticism of the COVID19 regime. In addition to demanding that Park be reinstated as president and that the 2020 election be overturned, Taepyung demanded that vaccine regime be stopped.
Taepyung went further, but did so why promoting a powerful Korea-US Alliance, the demonization of China, the glorification of the Park Chung-hee regime, and the promotion of Christian values (and close relations with Israel).
South Korea in context
Although South Korea’s response to COVID19 has been disappointing overall, it remains a leader in the organization of systematic protests and legal opposition to totalitarian governance in East Asia.
Although many intellectuals in Asia (and around the world) turned to the Chinese media over the last twenty years because it offered perspectives, and information, not available elsewhere, that appeal has vanished. The Chinese media does not take on the criminality of the COVID19 regime and is better than Western media only in that it reports less about vaccines and social distancing, not because it offers an alternative.
Statements about COVID19 fraud can be found on personal blogs in China, some with a significant following, but they tend to copy articles originally posted elsewhere. I have not found any original reporting on the COVID19 fraud in the Peoples Republic of China.
Vietnam, now completely taken up in a drive to enhance ties with the United States, is completely silent on the issue.
The People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (North Korea) could be seen as the leading nation in the world opposing the COVID19 regime (along with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan). It has unflinchingly maintained that there have been zero cases of COVID19 in North Korea. The ruler of North Korea Kim Jong-un has never worn a mask in public and no vaccine regime has been announced.
But North Korea has not discussed the nature of the conspiracy or tried to expose the medical fraud.
Although the Japanese media has supported social distancing, masks and vaccines without question, many reports have appeared in local media concerning the side effects of vaccines and the possible problems with masks.
The mayor of Izumiotsu, Minamide Kenichi, posted on Youtube (on the city’s official page) on August 10th, an announcement in which he drew attention to serious side effects of COVID19 vaccines and expressed concern. A broadcast on BBS (Sanin Broadcast) posted around the time concerning the side effects of vaccines was deleted without explanation.
A hearing at the National Diet on the side effects of vaccines was held on August 25 by the Health and Science Committee and broadcast to the public. No questions were taken from citizens, however, and only a few comments were made by the experts provided.
The true Korean wave
Although the promotion of the bogus response to COVID19 in Korea as a symbol of Korea’s rise to the status of global leadership was a clear set-up used to flatter the population into accepting dangerous policies, Korea still has the potential to play a role in the response to this massive criminal action.
Although relatively small in number, Korea has intellectuals and citizens who are deeply committed to exposing the crime and they are increasing in number. Moreover, the police and the military have not been mobilized to violently suppress opposition to the degree found in Europe or Australia.
Most importantly, neighboring North Korea has gone the furthest to oppose the COVID regime of any other nation. If the two Koreas can find reconciliation quickly, there may be a road to freedom to be found on the peninsula.