贝一明的新书 “未来中国:关于人类与地球命运”

亚洲研究所出版社

 

贝一明 Emanuel Pastreich

亚洲研究所 理事长

ISBN 89-97445-40-5

改革开放四十年以来,中国的面貌可谓日新月异。在全世界面临气候恶化、荒漠蔓延、水资源污染以及财富过度集中等一系列问题的紧要关头,中国可以如何在发展中担起大国责任、体现大国担当?何为中国?眺望未来,人类与世界路在何方?本书以独特的视角对上述问题展开了深入探讨。

全书共分为五个部分,分别就以下课题进行讨论:

1.         何为对社会、对公众真正有益的优秀文化?

2.         社会因科技的飞速发展而产生了巨大的变化,我们应当建立何种观念与教育 体系与之相适应?

3.         我们可以通过何种途径保护环境、拯救人类的未来?

4.         新时代背景下,何为一国之安全?如何解决安全问题?

5.         中国可以采取何种策略来巩固自己在国际舞台上的位置、有哪些经验可供他国参考?

 “……很多人把目光投向中国,寻找新的希望,不论这份希望是点点烛光还是熊熊火炬,不论这希望之光是辉煌耀眼还是朦胧黯淡。”中国的社会主义传统将会怎样挑战华盛顿体系、为世界提供可行的替代性方案,将是我们衰弱的地球所面临的首要问题之一。

目 录

序言 ……………………………………………………………… 001

  • 的未需要新社归优秀文化……… ………017

革命已经大行其道了吗?

公交车上播放的一档充满恶意的节目

消费文化助长的社会不公

媒体不应仅仅迎合受众兴趣

大学的经济学课程是否过于冷漠?

“数字”排序下的社会现实

朱子学传统与现代社会的危机

不问“为什么”的冲动消费

深加工食品与土特产食品

秦淮河光影里的忧与乐

论孝道

第二篇 科技的与教育的变迁……………………………… 047

人们需要科学性思维

选一个 Facebook 共和国总统

虚拟现实 VR 会对社会造成怎样的影响

李世石 vs.AlphaGo 新的起点新的挑战

哈佛教授迈克尔•普鸣谈亚洲教育的得与失

区别看待科学与技术

追求卓越的秘密和亚洲高校的前景

网络空间共和国

第三篇 人的未在生文明………………………………… 073

共生共享制:朝鲜国家发展的第三条路

在偏离正轨的时代我们呼吁真正的安全

清洁能源与人类的未来

生态文明是给全世界希望

举办北京气候变化会议的历史性机遇

中国需要的是革新还是勇气?

为了拯救地球 青年人能做的事情

第四篇 未的安全保障要敢于想象……………………………102

蓬佩奥为美国外交之棺钉上最后一枚钉

慢动作的内战:美国的三路作战

从关塔那摩监狱到首尔大使馆:一位美国军阀的崛起

朝韩峰会后韩国的真正安全挑战

围绕着韩国的五个历史周期终结

永别了 东亚武器

科技发展环境下的安保新定义

浅谈全球数据危机

美军有一群危险的好战派

第五篇 富有意的外交…………………………………………156

空前危机下联合国急需根本性转型

中国能否借助其传统文化在东北亚地区建立深层共识

打造中国特色智库的新传统

中国发展需要看清的几个历史事实

贝淡宁:用贤能政治衡量中国体制更合适

创新领导人会议的方式 IT 时代 有必要恢复“笔谈”的传统

福山:中国崛起正促使西方广泛反思自身制度

中韩应从历史传统中寻找革新模式

基辛格和布热津斯基——谁更技高一筹?

  …………………………………………… 199

2018年12月1日

(亚洲研究所出版社)Link

Link

Meditation on John Brown

Meditation on John Brown and his Provisional Constitution and Ordinances 

Emanuel Pastreich

November 28, 2018

John Brown (1800-1859)

Opening of the “Provisional Constitution and Ordinances”

1858

“Whereas slavery, throughout its entire existence in the United States, is none other than the most barbarous, unprovoked and unjustifiable war of one portion of its citizens against another portion, the only conditions of which are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude, or absolute extermination, in utter disregard and violation of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our Declaration of Independence. Therefore, we, citizens of the United States, and the oppressed people who, by a recent decision of the Supreme’ Court, are declared to have no rights which the white man is bound to respect, together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being, ordain and establish for ourselves the following Provisional Constitution and Ordinances, the better to protect our persons, property, lives, and liberties, and to govern our actions.”

Emanuel Pastreich

November, 2018

“Whereas the use of fossil fuels,throughout their entire existence in the United States,is none other than the most barbarous, unprovoked and unjustifiable war of one portion of its elites against the great majority of citizens, creating conditions of perpetual imprisonment in a catastrophic system of consumption and of pollution of the environment that will render the Earth uninhabitable,leading to absolute extermination, in utter disregard and violation of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our Declaration of Independence.

Therefore, we, citizens of the United States, and the oppressed people who, by a recent decisions of the Supreme’ Court, are declared to have no rights in the face of multinational corporations pushing fossil fuels, we, bound to respect, together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being, ordain and establish for ourselves the following Provisional Constitution and Ordinances, the better to protect our persons, property, lives, and liberties, and to govern our actions as we free ourselves from the death march of a fossil fuel driven economy.”

洪陵文化沙龙 “中美贸易争端与中韩关系走向”

亚洲研究所所长与庆熙网络大学的洪陵文化沙龙今年最后一次研讨会 “中美贸易争端与中韩关系走向” 这次是庆祝康熙大学的孔子学院的方萍院长方萍教授的最后一次参加。十一月十八日

 

 

“基辛格博士哪里那么了不起?” 多维新闻

多维新闻

“基辛格博士哪里那么了不起?”

2018年11月24日

贝一明

当前时代,紧张态势升级,国际冲突愈演愈烈。2018年11月,习近平与已过鲐背之年的美国前国务卿亨利•基辛格会面在北京,就此背景下的中美关系问题展开讨论。作为美国人,我认为这并非应时对景之举。把亨利•基辛格当作中国的朋友,这种做法不仅会给中国造成极大损失,而且令身在美国、真正对中国有所了解的专家学者们欲言又止。

 “基辛格博士哪里那么了不起?”

许多中国人认为,亨利•基辛格和尼克松总统是推动中美关系正常化的带头人物,且在华府中的一个对中国关照有加的团体中,此二人为核心。诚然,基辛格发表过许多关于中国的文章,不过毫无疑问,其中有相当数量是由他人代笔的。他的《论中国》(On China)一书倍受青睐,表明即使是美国对中国极为肤浅的了解,也足以使这样的书籍大受欢迎。我强打精神读了读这本书,放下它时心中只有这样的感觉:该书充斥着对基辛格的溢美之词和对于此人同重要人物会谈场面的描写;至于对中国文化与历史的理解,作者一字未提。

更重要的是,当基辛格与尼克松致力于中美关系正常化时,主要是希望在美国资本与中国廉价劳动力之间架起桥梁。他们并没有开拓沟通渠道,令两国个体和民众得以就构建更加美好的世界一事进行深刻对话。

没错,基辛格想要的是自身与中国之间的积极对话,而不是中美两国之间的探讨交流。他当然不希望自己组织的会议上出现熟知毛泽东哲学,或是中国唐宋时期优良治国传统的美国人。

如果说基辛格曾经付出过努力,那么他尽力去做的,是使真正了解中国的中国专家与其他美国人难以对政策施加任何影响。

我们不能忘记提拔了亨利•基辛格的理查德•尼克松总统是如何上位的。当时,谁想靠近中国和前苏联,尼克松就把谁妖魔化,并因此而博得名声。他称研究中国的专家为”卖国贼”和”间谍”,不遗余力地将其清除出政府与学术界。那些主张同中国合作、对社会主义观念表示理解的美国人,也被他抨击为”危险的共产主义者”。

他的中国之行,以及与毛泽东主席的会谈,不过是旨在瓦解苏联、利用中国廉价劳动力的策略之一。他所做的一切,根本不是出于对中国的关心。

基辛格既说不出一个中国词语,也对中国历史一无所知。吊诡的是,某些中国人却认为,由一个认不出、写不了中国字的人来担当”中国专家”实属正常。实际上,近些年来在美国有很多这样不会说中国话的”中国专家”,而且中国人也不对他们做语言和文化了解程度上的硬性要求。

有一件事也许不为众多中国人所知。生于伊利诺伊州的阿德莱•斯蒂文森独具慧眼、博文广识,曾作为民主党代表竞选总统,而他当时的对手是德怀特•艾森豪威尔。早在二十世纪五十年代,他便公开主张将中美关系正常化。他仅仅是一个代表,在他背后,还有很多与尼克松和基辛格截然不同、早就了解中国对美国和整个世界有多重要的人。

基辛格对美国外交政策的主导地位,与美国战略与国际研究中心(CSIS)极具危险性的堕落不可分割——他将这一美国智库用作跳板,登上了中国专家之位。

CSIS曾是极具价值的国际关系信息来源,然而在过去的几年里,它所发布的内容,质量大不如前。

CSIS已经成为美国外交、安全等国家职能私有化的中央舞台。处理美国与他国之间的关系这一任务,之前是交给由公民税款支持的政府官员去做,如今却要由营利性企业来提供资金,而随后签订下的各种协议也被转交给了了无才识的高官。

十年前,就连美国政策的批评人士——比如我——都会被邀请至CSIS研讨会发言。那时的CSIS并不是一个完全开放的机构,但仍为富有意义的讨论敞开了方便之门。如今,时移世易,集结在他们的研讨会中的,大多是鼓动同中国或俄罗斯开战的乌合之众。

以往鼓励畅所欲言的CSIS,其平衡有赖于美国外交政策上两块磁石的相吸相斥。

居于CSIS一角的是亨利•基辛格,他通过将美国外交与安全政策私有化而攫取暴利,同时将该机构用作通道,为自己的公司——基辛格事务(Kissinger  Associates)——吸收订单。

但另一方有吉米•卡特总统的前顾问兹比格涅夫•布热津斯基坐镇。他认为自己不单单是求财之人,而是学者,是公仆。当然,布热津斯基并不贫穷,而且参加过许多从道义上讲有问题的活动,但他秉持公共服务信念。

有些人认为美国在阿富汗一败涂地,布热津斯基是始作俑者,还认为他是冥顽不灵、为增加军费而抓住一切机会给前苏联搅局的冷战斗士。我之前撰文为布热津斯基辩护时,遭到了他们的猛烈抨击。

他们的对布热津斯基的评价堪称准确。然而我身在华府时,对他产生了不一样的看法。我看到他为支持对抗政治恶霸的勇士而劳心劳力,听到他在布什总统任期将满时慷慨陈词,声讨鼓动同伊朗开战的好战分子,这对避免燃起战火起到了至关重要的作用。

我曾多次把自己认为对美国举足轻重的事写在信件和电子邮件中发给他,几乎每次都能收到他的详细回复。他对待工作一丝不苟,并没有因为我不是富豪、跟各大智库和各级政府毫无瓜葛而对我置之不理。

2017年布热津斯基病逝后,各个国家项目对源于军事承包商和外国政府的资金愈发依赖——军事承包商希望煽动冲突,而外国政府想要为自己受益而扭曲美国的政策。CSIS已然沦为政治咨询公司,企业只要付钱就能从那里拿到看似公正客观的报告,以保护自身利益。的确,CSIS从一开始就同公众之间存在利益冲突,不过现在情况更加糟糕。

关于美国政策的辩论更像是一场酒吧里的斗殴。起初人人都摩拳擦掌、跃跃欲试,可几分钟后,”战场”上只剩下穷凶极恶的混混。

这种在外交政策上将知识分子边缘化的做法,与联邦政府上下政策的军事化有直接关系。美国对中东、中亚和拉美的外交政策军事化这一趋势已延续许久。众所周知,美国驻中东主要国家的大使只能谈谈宴会上的虾是煮是炸,真正的决策者是幕后的各位将军。

现在我们看到,美国的军事化已经深入骨髓——特朗普内阁乃至联邦政府中的前军官人数已达到前所未有的程度。新上任的联邦监狱局局长就是曾经担任陆军将领的马克•因奇(Mark Inch)。

事情还不止于此。去年十一月,海军陆战队上将约翰•艾伦(John Allen)被委任为布鲁金斯学会主席。该学会为美国一流智库,曾由博学多问、雷厉风行的非军方人士斯特罗布•塔尔博特(Strobe Talbott)领导——不论各位是否赞同他的看法,此人的优点都无法抹杀;而其前任是才华横溢的外交官迈克尔•阿玛科斯特(Michael Armacost)。

美国政府的体制的基础已腐朽不堪,各个派系(如FBI与CIA,白人民族主义者与全球主义者)之间剑拔弩张,因此像布热津斯基一样的知识分子或许在短期内很难得到重用、发挥影响力。

“The ‘crimes” of BTS” Korea Times

Korea Times

 “The ‘crimes’ of BTS and the hidden issues behind reparations”

November 24, 2018

Emanuel Pastreich

The November tour of Japan planned for rising Korean boy band BTS displayed the potential to become a massive commercial and economic success that would go beyond even Psy’s “Gangnam Style” in Japan, and around the world.

The popularity of BTS with young Japanese also had the potential to move relations between the two countries beyond the obsession with history issues and to create a new cultural circulation between ordinary citizens.

After all, BTS had been featured on the cover of Time Magazine’s international edition on October 11 with the provocative headline “How BTS Is Taking Over the World.” That widely read article included a moving video relating how BTS emphasized ethical issues, as seen in their talk at the United Nations in September.

Band member Kim Nam-joon talked at the U.N. about the alienation felt by young people, suggesting they could move forward if they loved themselves and embraced a positive attitude toward the world. This reference to the song and video by BTS “Love Yourself” suggested a way out of the passivity and alienation that overshadows youth.

The Time Magazine article also included a comparison with The Beatles, noting BTS was the first Korean band to sell out a whole stadium in the United States and that they did not need to redo all their songs in English.

BTS had managed to weave together a deep sympathy for the plight of young people in an increasingly ruthless and uncaring economic system together with the dance moves and tear-jerking lyrics that young people can relate to. Others had made such arguments to youth. But their messages were lost on youth who are accustomed to responding to YouTube performances, not lectures and sermons.

Suddenly, on November 8, TV Asahi announced that the live performance of BTS on its popular program “Music Station” the following day had been cancelled. The Japanese media was filled with reports of other cancelations and for a few days it appeared as if Japan had been swept by an anti-Korean wave that endangered the entire tour.

The newspapers in Japan and Korea were full of superficial reports that described cultural and diplomatic “spats” between the peoples of the two countries. The actions of TV Asahi, a for-profit media corporation that obviously took a big financial risk by canceling the broadcast the day before, suggest that something bigger was going on.

Before looking at the mainstream explanation for the cancelations, let us consider the critical events that proceeded TV Asahi’s decision and their implications.

First and foremost, TV Asahi’s decision suddenly to cancel the performance was a violation of contract law. A formal contract for the performance had been signed. But TV Asahi felt free to renege on it, even though BTS honored its side. The only excuse given was that one member of the band had worn a T-shirt a year ago that was judged by TV Asahi to be offensive.

Such actions by a corporation are egregious, but they have much in common with the blatant violations of the rule of law we are witnessing in Trumpian America.

The position of TV Asahi that it could decide on its own that BTS’s actions were offensive and that it could violate a legal contract with impunity is best understood in the context of the new interpretation of economic sanctions advanced by the Trump administration as a means to advance the interests of corporations through economic warfare.

The campaigns against Iran, Russia, Turkey and North Korea under Trump have made such economic sanctions into a weapon for sale to multinational corporations to pursue their own interests. This use of economic sanctions makes a complete mockery of not only international law and contract law, but also of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and trade agreements.

In the case of North Korea and Iran, “economic sanctions” have nothing to do with stopping the spread of nuclear weapons through international agreements (the Trump administration shows deep contempt for non-proliferation treaties) or about ending human rights violations (something that the Trump administration encourages at home and abroad). Rather, economic sanctions serve two critical purposes. They increase pressure on the country targeted so that in negotiations that country will be forced to accept a raw deal to avoid the pain created by economic sanctions.

Economic sanctions also give certain corporations with close ties to the government to have the right to engage in the secret negotiations about economic relations with the country that is subject to sanctions, while NGOs, experts and smaller businesses are completely blocked out.

The Abe administration finds the abandonment of international law, and of diplomacy, by the Trump administration intriguing. Economic sanctions could be a new tool for Japan to use to get what it wants without going through pesky processes like the WTO, which require transparency and accountability.

The cancellation of the BTS appearance can be interpreted as a trial balloon for a new kind of mini-economic sanctions that could be applied even against economic rivals like South Korea that are not branded as threats by the United States. The Abe administration was trying out this suspension of due process to see if it could create an environment in which powerful political figures dictate economic or trade relations without any means of appeal. Perhaps this action was a trial balloon for a new approach to economics better suited to the super-rich who are frustrated by the regulations made by bureaucrats and other little people.

So what was it that prompted the Abe administration to pursue this strategy against South Korea, and specifically BTS?

The answer is not hard to find.

The South Korean Supreme Court issued a ruling on Oct. 30 ordering Nippon Steel and Sumitomo Metal Corporation to pay 100 million won ($88,000) to four Koreans who were forcibly made to work under hazardous conditions in its factories during the Second World War. Several other similar cases are pending that could result in even larger demands for reparations. If the flood gates are opened, thousands of Koreans may seek billions of dollars in compensation from Japanese corporations over the months and years ahead.

This ruling is the first concrete award of damages since the Supreme Court recognized in 2012 the rights of victims to file for compensation against Japanese companies during wartime.

The granting of such compensation may not seem that remarkable. After all, the crimes of the Japanese government during the Pacific War have been extensively documented. But this ruling represents a historic shift in how the suffering of Koreans before 1945 is treated and a breakdown of the consensus that has been in place for the past 60 years that limited how the issue could be discussed and addressed.

The Japanese government claims that all reparations from Japan to South Korea have been paid in full, in accord with the 1965 normalization treaty (Treaty on Basic Relations). That treaty, signed by Japanese Prime Minister Eisaku Sato and South Korean President Park Chong-hee, stipulated that $300 million in economic aid, $500 million in favorable loans and some technology transfer from Japan would settle all claims of Koreans against the Japanese government, against Japanese corporations and against Japanese individuals, forever.

The recent ruling is a major risk to the conservatives around Abe, particularly those who have large holdings of stock in conglomerates. They worry that the future debate on compensation will cease to be presented as the fuzzy resentment of the Japanese people by the Koreans.

Such vague ideas of Korean emotions about Japan have aided corporations by keeping public attention focused on intangible bad feelings between the peoples that can never be resolved.

But this ruling is not vague at all, and it is not anti-Japanese. It focuses on the specific actions of two corporations, corporations that have deep pockets and which were liable by international standards for damages. The discussion is no longer about Korean pride now, but rather about corporate liability.

The risks of this ruling for wealthy stockholders in Japan are immense. It is not an issue that matters so much for ordinary Japanese. But powerful forces want the man in the street in Japan to think that somehow the ruling is an affront to all Japanese. 

Aso Taro, finance minister in the Abe cabinet and arch-conservative, is outspoken on the issue of reparations. Aso comes from a family that made a fortune from mining in Manchuria that was undertaken by Koreans (and other peoples) ― many forced laborers ― none of them provided with appropriate safety equipment in the dangerous mines. Aso Taro’s father, Aso Takakichi, was the owner of the Aso Cement Company that profited from the exploitation of forced labor and low-wage labor.

Aso and his friends have been counting on the basic treaty of 1965 to block all demands for compensation. The Japanese government, and Japanese corporations that influence it, have consistently responded to demands for compensation by stating that all compensation issues for the government and for corporations alike were settled by the treaty.

The treaty also dictates that no compensation for damages from before the 1911 annexation will be allowed either, blocking the way for claims concerning the manner by which Japanese corporations illegally seized land and resources in Korea at the end of the Joseon Dynasty and illegally (by Joseon Dynasty law) set up banks and railroads, and bribed Korean government officials.

Of course all that was a very long time ago. But let us not kid ourselves here. There are plenty of precedents for successful lawsuits for compensation for wrongs from 100 years ago. What has altered is the consensus held over the past 60 years that these topics are off limits for demands. I personally think that the irrational assumption that the 1965 treaty ended all possibilities for claims against Japanese companies for damages during the Second World War derives from a series of post-war U.S.-Japan-Korea agreements that remain classified to this date.

But there is more to the story. Although the media presents the court ruling as one favorable to Koreans and unfavorable to Japanese, such an interpretation is dishonest. First and foremost, Koreans, that is to say the people who inhabited the region previously controlled by the Joseon Dynasty, were designated as citizens of the Japanese empire by the Japanese government. They were not legally Koreans during the period in question. Although the status of their citizenship was not the same as citizens of Japan in terms of their ability to advance in government and to own property and businesses (with some important exceptions), they were considered to be Japanese until the Japanese government unilaterally declared them to be Koreans in 1945 without any legal process.

In a sense, when the Japanese government stripped Koreans of their citizenship and refused to give them any pensions or medical or legal aid, it was acting on behalf of Japanese corporations that wanted to cut their liabilities for their actions.

But if the demands for compensation increase, the process will quickly become an issue within Japan itself. After all, there are many Koreans living in Japan who were also stripped of their citizenship in the Japanese Empire in 1945 and who have not had the right to demand compensation.

For that matter, the Japanese government has blocked efforts of Japanese to seek compensation for damages from Japanese corporations for their actions during the Pacific War. If Koreans start getting compensation, there is a risk that Japanese also will start to make such demands. The expert on colonial-era forced labor William Underwood told me that it has been impossible so far for Japanese nationals to sue Japanese companies for conscription either because all Japanese were subject to national conscription from 1939. All that could change and that the myth that reparations are an emotional dispute between the Korean and Japanese peoples will crumble.

But why was the ruling on compensation made at this particular moment? After all, the forced labor issue has not drawn much attention in the Korean mainstream media. The overwhelming focus in the Korean media has been on a handful of surviving “comfort women,” women forced to perform sexual services for the Japanese military during the Second World War.

Perhaps there is something else going on behind the scenes concerning reparations.

We know from various leaks in the media that the Japanese government and Japanese corporations are engaged in negotiations with North Korea behind the scenes concerning the normalization of relations and future economic relations. Most likely those negotiations concern future contracts for the building of infrastructure, the rights to mine and exploit minerals in North Korea and permission for Japanese corporations to build and run factories in North Korea. All of these fields of activity are potentially extremely profitable for Japanese corporations, if destructive for North Koreans.

One topic that certainly came up in those secret negotiations is reparations for the war-time sufferings of Koreans who live in North Korea. The Japanese government never recognized the government of the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea after the war, and it has never paid any reparations similar to the deal that the Republic of Korea received in 1965. North Korean negotiators know history well and they understand how Japanese politics works. They are probably demanding top dollar for compensation for sufferings and making it the condition for access to the North Korean economy.

The Abe administration most likely wants to make an agreement with North Korea in secret that is similar to the 1965 treaty and that offers a lump sum to be paid to Kim Jong-un and others, along with some technology transfer and some investment opportunities. Considering that North Korea has consistently demanded reparations for damages caused by colonialism, whereas South Korea accepted a less confrontational “economic cooperation” paradigm, North Korea may reach a far more comprehensive agreement for reparations with Japan that South Korea made in 1965 ― even if the details are kept secret.

If North Korea gets a better deal than South Korea on reparations, the entire can of worms that Japanese conservatives thought they had sealed away forever in 1965 could be opened up again. The negotiations about reparations taking place Pyongyang may have forced Seoul to open the way for individual claims against Japanese corporations, and that move could lead to numerous demands from North Korea, South Korea, China, and even within Japan itself.

T-shirts and hats with skulls

Now let us look at the sudden cancelation of BTS’s performance on TV Asahi and how that tale was related in the media in South Korea and in Japan.

The cancelation was presented as an expression of Japanese anger against the cultural insensitivity of Koreans for Japanese suffering in the Second World War.

On October 26, the newspaper Tokyo Sports condemned BTS member Jimin for an “anti-Japanese act” because he was filmed in a YouTube documentary a year ago wearing a T-shirt on Korean Independence Day that featured a photograph of a mushroom cloud in the upper right-hand corner. This shirt was assumed to be anti-Japanese and this offensive behavior by a Korean boy band was quickly picked up by Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean group that then wrote multiple posts about BTS and staged an anti-Korean demonstration dedicated to this T-shirt. A series of other popular entertainment figures subsequently made comments about the T-shirt in question.

It was then that Asahi suddenly cancelled BTS’s performance on its show “Music Station.” NHK and Fuji TV also stated that they would cancel broadcasts of BTS.

The T-shirt, worn on liberation day, features the words “Patriotism, our history, liberation, Korea” repeatedly and shows the atomic bomb to the right. Personally, I think it is inappropriate to link the image of the atomic bomb dropped by the United States on Japan with the fight for liberation in Korea, but among T-shirts related to Korean liberation that I have seen, this one is relatively tame. I doubt anyone would have found the shirt offensive unless they were told to see it as such.

Perhaps Jimin did not think all that seriously about what the mushroom cloud on the T-shirt signified. But the criticisms in the Japanese media said nothing about the need to increase the understanding of history of young people ― a problem that is at least as serious in Japan as it is in Korea.

Perhaps the T-shirt suggests that the actions of Japan in the Second World War were sufficiently evil as to warrant the use of atomic weapons. Such an opinion is deeply problematic in my opinion, but it is widespread in the older generation in South Korea and the United States. But it is far from clear that the T-shirt had that significance for Jimin. If we want to know what young Koreans think the significance of the use of nuclear weapons by the U.S. was, we should ask them directly. TV Asahi never did so.

Other interpretations of the T-shirt are quite possible. Perhaps it was intended to be ambiguous. The T-shirt can be interpreted as a condemnation of the Pacific War as a whole, or even as a tribute to the large number of Koreans who were also killed by the atomic bombs dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima ― many of whom were there because they were brought as forced labor.

The other offense of BTS that was raised in the Japanese and international press was the photograph of a one of its members posing with a military hat that features the skull insignia of the SS in one of a series of photographs.

This photograph was also condemned in the media almost immediately after the “controversy” about the atomic bomb. Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean and director of global social action at the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles condemned BTS for “mocking the past” and went on to say that: “It goes without saying that this group, which was invited to speak at the U.N., owes the people of Japan and the victims of Nazism an apology.” Rabbi Cooper had nothing to say about the praise of finance minister Aso Taro for Hitler, or the popularity of Nazi images in Japanese popular culture, or the broad reception of anti-Semitic writings in Japan that go far beyond anything to be found in South Korea.

There is absolutely no evidence that BTS has an anti-Semitic agenda. But the members were clearly, and offensively, ignorant of the Holocaust and insensitive to the feelings of those who suffered.

Their actions were wrong and they apologized. But such use of images of Nazi origin in Japan, or elsewhere, are extremely common. And many so-called conservatives in the United States and Europe have displayed a deep fascination with the Nazi movement.

I played cowboys and Indians as a little boy in the Mid West. One team played the Caucasian “cowboys” who chased the native American “Indians.” I did not know that I was indulging in a celebration of the genocide of the native Americans in the 19th century ― although that interpretation is not inaccurate.

The show must go on

BTS made an extensive apology for the various offenses and the tour went forward as planned. Although threats of violence and online criticisms continued in Japan, including a bomb threat in Nagoya, the BTS concert at Tokyo Dome brought in over 50,000 fans, and an anti-Korean demonstration of two people.

BTS is not made up of professors of history. I wish that there was not such a strong anti-intellectual trend in contemporary society, but we cannot blame that on BTS. Nevertheless, the band’s songs suggest a sophisticated sensitivity to the condition of youth that might still help Koreans and Japanese to love themselves, and each other.

“空前危机下,联合国急需根本性转型” 多维新闻

多维新闻

“空前危机下,联合国急需根本性转型”

贝一明

2018年 11月 20日

联合国于1942年建立。当时在种族主义和军国主义的推动下,极权主义盛行全球,全人类面临被拖入野蛮时代的威胁。一小群知识分子与政坛活跃人士冒着生命危险反抗极权主义,主张国际主义与世界和平。他们同苏联、中国、美国和英国的有识之士,以及被迫流亡,居住于伦敦、华盛顿和上海的其他国家政要并肩作战,为全新全球治理体系建设的开创性规划和实施而呕心沥血。

欧、亚两洲反法西斯主义者所拥有的智慧与经验,以及少数政坛领袖手中的制度性权力暂时合流,为建立令人鼓舞、行之有效的全球治理体系奠定下基础。

联合国的诞生,可追溯至1899年、1907年和1914年的三次海牙和平会议。这三次会议致力于建立全新的国际关系体系,其中1914年的和平会议因第一次世界大战的爆发而中止。三次会议确立了国际法的基本原则,实施了裁军方案,针对战争行为发布了涵盖战争罪行惩罚措施的人道主义法律。当时所确立的传统在今天仍至关重要。

美国因在二战中取胜而自鸣得意,将联合国操控于股掌之间。可悲的是,当时的美国领导人无法拒绝接手大英帝国战利品的诱惑,从而不必要地将苏联变成了敌手而非共建世界和平的伙伴。

然而,即使联合国并没有在冷战时期发挥潜力,但在化解危机、采取措施解决棘手的全球性问题方面,仍起到了关键作用。即使在布什总统任期内,联合国的预算被削减致最低限度,即使美国的多项战略将联合国决议视为无物,即使美国的政策与国际法渐行渐远,联合国仍然被全世界人民视为可借之呼吁公平正义、寻求正确引导的重要机构。

与维持众多非公开、利己性的世界秩序操控制度相比,人们更希望建立可靠的全球治理体系,这份强烈的意愿足以在最为艰难的时刻推动联合国继续行进。然而美国却再也没有重拾自己在富兰克林•罗斯福总统任期内的国际主义的精神与所履行的制度方面的承诺。

如今,2018年,我们发现自己又处在了一个充满重大危机的时代,随着美国乃至全世界范围内治理体系的崩溃、价值观念的瓦解、财富的集中、种族主义政治运动的抬头以及军国主义的大肆叫嚣,种种威胁接踵而至。与1942年联合国诞生之时相比,我们现在所面临的境况,其危急程度有过之而无不及。

德军入侵苏联时,日本入侵中国时,数以百万计的民众惨遭屠戮,那场悲剧我们并没有亲眼目睹。然而,美国决意废除所有军控条约,在伊拉克、阿富汗、叙利亚、也门和其他国家及地区发动侵略战争,这或许预示一场同样惨烈的军事冲突在所难免。美国正在经历军控政策系统的灾难性崩溃,且其外交政策处于夸夸其谈的理论家、精神病患者约翰•博尔顿的掌控之下,也许足以吞噬全人类的地狱之门已经大敞四开。如今,美国似乎又撤回了驻联合国大使——或许再也不会派出下一位。

而且,人类此刻面临的风险比以往高得多。美国和俄罗斯拥有大量核武器,其威力比在1945年将广岛和长崎化为焦土的原子弹大几千倍。其余国家中,也有许多掌握着核武器与其他破坏性巨大的军械。更有许多国家,只要政治风向有所变化,即可在短短几个月内大批量生产各种军火。

满腹军国主义的美国副总统彭斯(一位法西斯“基督教”领导人)威胁对华开战,这表明全面战争不只是电子游戏中待人们去体验的虚拟剧情,更是在美国的政策推动下很可能会上演的现实。倘若特朗普总统和彭斯副总统对气候变化带来的灾难性影响都毫不畏惧,继续为推动煤炭石油业的发展而一掷千金,那么各位有何理由认为他们会害怕发生核战争?

军国主义并不是我们面前唯一的——甚至不是主要的——威胁。财富集中这一世界性问题正在愈演愈烈,而且情况还会愈加恶化。它使各国文化发生了全方面扭曲,而且因为精英团体意图为所欲为,治理体系也已面目全非。《2018年全球超级财富报告》显示,目前大约255,810名“超高净值人士”(资产超过三千万美元的人)控制了31.5万亿美元的资产,这一数值远远超出全球80%的人口——56亿人——所拥有的资产。从2016年至2017年,超高净值人士的财富增长了16.3%——2018年财富报告披露上述数据时,该人群的财富增长率很可能已不止于此。

人们应当在此刻——而不是未来——做出选择。核战争和气候变化可能会使人类遭受灭顶之灾;我们曾经深信不疑会引导全人类奋勇向前的全球自由秩序业已分崩离析,留下的只有浓烟滚滚的弹坑,任由投资银行家及其拥趸同怀恨在心的法西斯主义崇拜者们在其中展开唇枪舌战。

这样一个危机四伏、风雨飘摇的世界所需要的,恰恰是全球的切实回应。目前联合国能力有限,因此我们应当另建体系,创立一种全球性系统,借以针对人类所面对的威胁之缘由开展科学理性的分析,让整个地球做出迅速而又有效的大规模响应,不论国界。

需要的不是改,而是

在过去的六十年中,人们为改进联合国现有体系而提出的建议不胜枚举,其中不乏“千年发展目标”等已经部分落实的提案。但是由于全球投资银行与主权财富基金对联合国的控制程度日趋加深,大多数提议都已被束之高阁。

此时此刻,改进联合国的现有体系已经不像给铜器抛光、给地板打蜡那样简单——为时已晚,腐蚀已深。至于联合国的任务指派模式,我们或将其视为官僚特权的体现,或将其看作政策制订过程的商业化与私有化结果——不论怎样,联合国都已失去它应有的能力,无法胜任阻止世界战争、恶性财富集中以及全球灾难性变暖的使命。实际上,比起美国非法入侵伊拉克的那个年代,现在的联合国更加力不从心。

地球议会

笔者认为,与其列出一份联合国亟待改进事项的细目清单,不如让其进行结构性转型,使其功能发生彻底改变,令其恢复本来的国际主义的精神,再次为了地球人类贡献的地位。

我们应当将联合国转化为两院代议制机构——大体上与美国国会与英国议会类似。

现有的联合国大会应变为新机构中的上院——相当于美国的参议院。上院可保留“联合国”之名,各国均在其中指派一名代表。此外,现有的安全理事会应由经选举产生的发言人以及经济、安全、福祉和环境问题委员会代替。

目前负责全球治理事务的主要部门应当转变为全新的立法机构,其职能与下院或“众议院”粗略近似——其实这个比方并不确切,因为这种新型“下院”将远远超越联合国现有相应机构以及许多国家的国民大会:后两者处理事务的流程多是不对外开放、非参与性的。

这一机构——暂且将其称为“地球议会”——将代表各个地区地球公民的需要和关注点来履行职责,同时也是在世界范围内制订、实施各项政策的全球性机关。

地球议会将在与全世界民众保持密切接触的同时放眼全球,制订全球性政策。海牙和平会议、国际联盟和联合国履行过相似的职责,但地球议会还将更进一步,充分利用新兴科技成果,推动世界各国的交流与合作。

多年以来,人们曾为实现名副其实、行之有效的全球治理提出过许多建议,但我们通过各大科研机构的调研结果发现,国际关系话语已遭受严重扭曲,因此那些提议中的绝大多数无法变为现实。尽管如此,如果我们坚持探寻意味深远、有大国做后盾的提议,习近平主席提出的“人类命运共同体”也许在本质上与我们所说的“地球议会”最为接近。习主席的这一提法也超越了国家和民族的概念,揭示全人类需要同心协力、开启全新的全球视角,以此来应对时代的挑战。

地球议会绝不能由国际投资银行、主权财富基金或其他充当超级富豪手中工具的机构来控制。它应当在制订全球政策的同时,直接代表地方群体的利益。地球议会将开展科普,让普通大众得以了解地球真正的需要、环境的真实本质以及人们为实现可持续发展而付出的努力。缺少教化的治理堪为暴政,而地球议会将在全球范围内普及教育。

地球议会还将推动全世界民众在真正的分享型经济框架内开展合作。

营利性组织及只关注短期利益的个人同地球议会之间的互动将受到极大限制。尽管人类天性难以改变,但我们应该尽力在议会内传播奉献精神,使其着眼于长期利益,甘于无私服务,从源头杜绝利益冲突。

政策将在地球议会内部制订,法律事务所、智库、咨询公司与其他缺乏透明度的腐败机构不得插手。地球议会受全球民众捐赠,拒绝任何形式的可疑资助。控制预算规模,能够做出准确、客观的决策,要比拥有催生腐败与危险政策的大笔资金好得多。

作为联合国的主要立法机构,地球议会将根据世界总人口来决定代表人数。或许可为每五千万人指定一名代表,那么六十亿人就有120位代表。委任代表时,要考虑到不同地区的具体情况。与此同时,身为地球人口的重要组成部分,却因在当地人数较少而无法在其政府中拥有直接代表的群体,如极端贫困者、有生理缺陷者等,在地球议会中也应有人替他们发声,即使此类人在一国人口中所占比重并不大。

地球议会将根据科学原则对全人类以及地球的长期利益展开评估,并将国界与个别群体利益等问题放在一边,从而针对当前挑战提出应对方案,并将其在全球范围内加以实施。地球所面临的最为关键的问题,其解决方案应当立足长远(至少三十年)。此外,针对气候变化等安全问题,地球议会将鼓励大家畅所欲言,开展深度讨论。议会还将建立全球融资框架,让所有地球公民都能承担得起使用太阳能和风能,以及有机耕作方式的经济负担。

针对联合国成员国之间的经济与政治利益纠纷,地球议会将不再遵循只关注眼前的仲裁原则,而是要具体问题具体分析,采用综合性方法,把人类前途和全球治理体系的未来,尤其把地球的生态健康纳入考虑。

如今,拯救处于垂死状态的海洋、减少有害化学物质的排放、控制沙漠的蔓延、停止危险武器的大量生产等问题已不再被大多数民族国家和国际组织严肃对待,大批精英也已完全脱离普通民众。因此地球议会将担负起教育大众的职责,告诉他们人类在这个时代中所面临的真正威胁,鼓励他们就上述问题开展讨论与辩论,协助他们采取措施开展跨越地域的合作,切实改变现状。

地球议会关注的是地球本身。对它来讲,所谓“安全”是指让地球以及居于其上的生灵——不只是人类,还有世界各地的动植物——受到保护,否则人类将没有未来。地球议会既不代表跨国企业,也不受由腐败堕落、欺诈成性的媒体所放大的民粹主义言论操控。它将集中物力财力,援助致力于追求真相、坚守正义、身体力行解决问题的基层地球公民。

全球治理体系的未

笔者这份关于全球治理体系转型的提议没有半分理想主义色彩。不论我们是否喜欢,是否有所了解,随着科技的迅猛发展,“全球治理”观念压倒“民族国家”概念的时代终将到来。摆在我们面前最好的选择,就是汲取传统道德哲学的精华,发挥我们的创造力,孜孜不倦,令全球治理体系更加完善,以在波谲云诡的时代中应对难以预料的挑战。

“何为中国?” 多维新闻

多维新闻

“何为中国?”

贝一明

2018年 11月 18日

前些日子,我在上海参加会议时,有个学生来找我。他谈到二十年来中国经济飞速增长,也许会超越美国、成为全球领袖,还问我对此有何看法。他难掩心中的激动,仿佛盼望看到我为此而震惊,听到我说这样的成就有多么了不起、对他这样雄心勃勃的中国青年学生多么钦佩。

然而他说的这些,并没有让我备受震撼——也许中国的飞跃早在我的意料之中。我觉得那位意气风发的学生似乎没有抓住重点。

1983年,我在耶鲁大学读书时,就深信中国会有今天的经济实力与文化影响力——正因如此,我起初才主修汉语。古往今来,中国多在国际舞台上担当经济与文化主导大国的角色。对这样一个国家来讲,它在从鸦片战争结束到进入世贸组织的这段时间中所处的境况实属反常。

我所关注的问题是,中国是否可以摆脱只注重经济规模与物质利益、无视未来的桎梏,能否展现出真正的领袖风范,以及它将给世界带来何种富有积极意义的新机遇。

然而我在上海闲逛时,目之所及,都是以琼楼玉宇为背景的各色广告,那些豪宅堪比法国末世贵族的居所——没过多久那群皇亲国戚便迎来了法国大革命。其实我下榻的酒店内真的有一张海报以玛丽王后和路易十六所召开的盛大舞会为噱头,让人匪夷所思——腐败的专制体系因阶级斗争而分崩离析后,这二位的好光景便匆匆了结。上海面向富豪的房地产广告中那一栋栋金碧辉煌的高楼大厦,也许会让玛丽王后都觉得倍感亲切。

在这次上海之行中,我发现就连广告中的中国传统文化元素也大多附体于摆满了精致瓷器与雕花家具的晚清院宅。以这种文化空间为居所的,当然是身着绫罗绸缎、生活穷奢极欲的人们。

不论是在这样的广告里,还是在那些奢华程度不亚于晚清历史电影拍摄现场的豪宅与商城中,中国两千年来粗衣简食、承星履草的普通百姓和学子士人所代表的气节与美德均无影无踪。

中国正在同一场巨大的身份危机角力。对于领袖地位的渴望,不仅中国有,所有发展中国家、乃至对现状心有不甘的欧洲国家与美国某些地区也有。这些国家一心推动科技进步,却忘记了塑造个人品行、传播艺术与哲学思想、加强国民精神修养。肤浅的消费文化已经把座座城市化为精神沙漠,由其支撑的经济框架也脆弱不堪。

于是很多人把目光投向中国,寻找新的希望,不论这份希望是点点烛光还是熊熊火炬,不论这希望之光是辉煌耀眼还是朦胧黯淡。

在美国和欧洲,军国主义日渐抬头,种族主义愈演愈烈。与之相比,中国堪为一片净土。然而在这片净土上备受推崇的消费文化与正在毁灭西方世界、有时面目甚至更为可憎的那种文化简直别无二致。

造就我的美国并不高尚无私——根本没有真正高尚无私的大国。不过在美国,在剥削性、掠夺性极高,唯暴利是图的商业模式与众多肩负伦理责任、追求真相、主张公共利益的知识分子、艺术家、甚至律师和公职人员之间,曾经存在着一种平衡。我还记得儿时美国的美好之处;1998年我在伊利诺伊大学任教时,那种美好仍然有迹可循。在美国,健康社会的踪迹依然随处可见,而且永远不会消失。

然而那个美国,那个吸引许多中国杰出政坛人物、学者教授和商界人士于上世纪八、九十年代前去求学的美国,已经不复存在。虽说哈佛广场、史密森学会等地标性建筑还在,但曾令那个国家引以为傲的文化和社会结构遭受了永久性的扭曲。剩下的,只有建立良好政府与促进智力参与等为我们所知的传统所留下的影子。情况还在迅速恶化。恐怕美国正走在全面性体制崩溃的不归路上。

我在描述祖国所处的厄境时,心中所充斥的并不是别样的欢悦,而是无尽的悲哀。不过我还想在这里引用《圣经》中的名句,尽管我并不信教。

“你们必认识真理,真理必叫你们得以自由。”

承认真相的确让我获得了心灵上的自由。然而许多中国人仍然坚信从电视上看来的、出国旅行时在富人居住区体会到的、或是存留在过往回忆中的”美国观念”,以至于无法接受眼前残忍的现实。

不过来自华盛顿的战争威胁与贸易制裁——这也是战争的一种——正在逼迫中国人明白,某些事情正在发生深刻变化,而且这种变化很可能会倍道而行。

许多美国人都已接受由小丑总统特朗普所代表、以种族主义和利己主义为特征的新身份;欧洲如诗如画的田园中,实施排外罪行的极右翼势力已经抬头。这一切都说明,我们正身处一个全然不同的世界。

以美国为例。二十年的对外战争;崛起后的富豪集团无所不能,甚至颠覆了福利与公共教育政策;军国主义、贫困、气候变化、过度开采——这些问题共同指向的是一个灰暗的未来。

尽管美国国内已经有人准备好为改变前景而战,但这条路并不好走。

然而,虽说美国军方正在准备发动灾难性战争,而且作战对象可能是伊朗,也可能是中国,中国媒体却在报道华府有关问题时小心翼翼。事实上,中国媒体简直比美国境内的许多反对派都要谨小慎微。

在中国民众面前,媒体将唐纳德•特朗普和麦克•蓬佩奥等肆无忌惮的不法分子刻画成了伟大的政治家——尽管许多美国人都已深深地意识到这些人有多么危险。

这种外交策略对中国毫无益处。

我们不该掩耳盗铃,不该自欺欺人。美国一旦出乱,我们就会看到僵而不死的反亚裔种族主义传统昂起它那丑陋的头颅。那一天也许不会太远。

让我们回顾一下于1882年签署的《排华法案》。该法案基于种族,禁止华人移民至美国,导致日本与其他国家人民的移民行为也受到了严重限制。二战期间日裔美国人被关进集中营,德裔美国人却得以幸免,原因之一便是针对亚裔的种族主义因此法案而生。倘若没有移民方面的限制,现在美国境内会有大批亚裔人口。近几年来美国对亚裔态度的转变或许正是特朗普政策的恶果。

我们以为种族主义已经在文明开化的西方世界无影无踪,我们以为美国和欧洲率先垂范,构建出了更加开放、更为国际化、以普世价值为基础的社会。但如今我们却看到,在美国,各种文明观念因社会的深刻矛盾而四分五裂;因财富过度集中、劳工受虐等问题而满怀怨气的普通民众正想找人发泄怒火。

美国和欧洲将经历不同阶段,也许最终会抛弃极具威胁性的排外主义,回归平和。然而这一过程可能会花费几年,甚至几十年。

整个世界提出的问题,并不是美国将会怎样。回首历史,我们看到了太多太多,足以猜到未来是明是暗。摆在我们面前的问题是:中国将何去何从?它能否不步美国的后尘,不沉迷于破坏性、以浪费为美的消费文化,担当重任,引领人类朝全然不同的方向前进?

首先,中国人需要走出因美国而生的茫然与困惑——那个美好的美国已经荡然无存,我们不能再受蒙蔽,对幻象依依不舍。我们必须清楚何为中国,何为中国的独特之处。

修佛参禅之人都需要领悟这样一个重要问题:”何为我?”

这个问题看似简单,但回答之人每次深究,都会得出些微不同的答案。反复解答这个问题,是认识自己的一种方式。这种修行方法可以帮助人推倒自欺的高墙、驱散纠结在眼前的错觉,令人更加接近真知。

请试着问问自己:

“何为中国?”

“何为中国?”

应该以什么来定义中国?是智能手机的产量和使用数量,食物与电子产品的耗费情况,还是电梯、集中供暖系统和空调所带来的便利?

长久以来,中国就是中国,但以往身为中国的中国并没有手机、空调等物品,今天它也不需要这些。这些被人们奉为成功标志的物件,与中国的传统美德和传统文化毫无关系,而且要么会破坏环境,要么会影响家庭氛围,要么无益于民众构建健康的精神生活。它们并非成功的标志,且与中国毫不相干。

同样,在中国,被少数人集中掌握的大量财富也被视为成功的象征。尽管中国历史上出现过富人阶层,但像今天这样对财富极为崇拜的情形是前所未有的,社会公德也会因此而遭受毁灭性打击。面对此情此景,不仅毛泽东会深感不满,就连唐、宋、明、清的学者也会扼腕叹息。

那么,中国能否不对媒体和各大企业言听计从,不做它们口中的”成功国家”,能否另辟蹊径,是否有另辟蹊径的潜力?我认为答案是肯定的。

但事情并没有这样简单。许多西方国家正走在毁灭之路上,中国也面临着很大风险。

倘若中国不严阵以待,不认真应对气候变化问题,不减轻对煤炭和石油的依赖,终将看到灾难性的一幕降临。

此类问题不能单凭科技来解决。要找到这些问题的解决之道,我们还应当回归勤俭、正直、修心等优良传统,在中国的历史长河中,它们几乎一直是中华文明的典型代表。在中国的传统思想中,德、善、孝、忠等无形之物才是无价之宝;弘扬美德、寻找选贤举能的有效途径是国家的主要任务。如今在人们的职业生涯中,智慧与德性似乎已无人看重。在人们心中,好像只有看得见、摸得着的物质利益才是最重要的。

在正念与灵修方面,中国的古人们留下了丰富的遗产。中国人民可以借之帮助自己和全世界拥护中国文化的有识之士从对消费的沉迷中解脱出来。

令人遗憾的是,在许多人的”常识”世界扎根的,只有最狭义上的经济增长、股价与产品消费。正因如此,环境才会被一步一步地拖向灾难,财富集中问题才会一点一点地加剧——而这条道理甚少有人提及,甚至不为许多人所知。

我们要面对的终极问题,将是能否有中国人鼓起勇气主张使中国发生翻天覆地的变化,令其扎根于注重和平、正念、生态与和谐等已有传统的丰厚土壤。

为现代问题找到解决之道的,将是这样的中国人:他们不拘一格,能够为中国的未来谱绘别样的蓝图;他们百折不挠,即使受千夫所指也会为那样的未来摇旗呐喊;他们无所畏惧,即使承受极大的压力也能挺身而出,坚持对中国最为有利的选择。

中国跟美国一样,其社会愈发被商业广告所左右。在这样的社会中,所谓的经济学家把目光集中在股市上,却对普通大众的经济福祉置若罔闻。这样的非健康型文化无疑会催生消极、懒惰、容易被花哨产品诱惑的民众。

从根本上来讲,这既不是个人的错误,也不是美国的错误,而是文化缺失的恶果。目前情况如此严重,我们必须采取行动,予以回应,塑造健康、积极的文化。我相信,中国,还有相信自己的每一个行动都会影响世界、立志于为人类未来创造更好文化的中国人,将一马当先,做出改变。

日本哲学家荻生徂徠在他的专著《政談》中写道,囲碁(下围棋)有两种境界。一种是,棋手精通棋道,将各种策略烂熟于心,步步为营,招招制胜。

但荻生徂徠进而论述道,还有人处于另外一种完全不同的境界。他们并不是棋艺大师,棋技也无法与大师匹敌,但他们却是真正意义上的终极大师,是运筹帷幄的君子。他们能够抓住转瞬即逝的历史机遇,凭自己的创造力和智慧来制订对弈规则,从而发明囲碁。文化与价值观,以及政治、经济和国际关系方面最为深刻的原则也需要这样的人去塑造,去拟订。

中国所面对的挑战是避免重蹈覆辙,用以往的规则——浪费、金钱、石油、军国主义和消费主义——来回应难题。

美国和其他地方的极右翼势力也许会围攻中国,制造危机状态。

但是,倘若中国不随波逐流,而是勇往直前,为世界制订全新的游戏规则,一种人人有所得、尤其对环境有所裨益的规则,那么一切都会焕然一新。

可惜,许多人都为看到剥削工人的掠夺性经济蔓延、贫富差距加大、投资银行一手遮天等在中国抬头的负面趋势而灰心丧气。我们急需的是能够拿出全新方案的人材。这样的方案,应该与当下被人视作常识的一切迥然不同,应该能够为中国乃至整个陷入困境的世界点燃希望。

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“북한 경제 개발은 제3의 방식으로 해야” 중앙일보

중앙일보

“북한 경제 개발은 제3의 방식으로 해야”

2018년 11월 9일

임마누엘 페스트라이쉬

‘은둔의 왕국’ 문이 열리고 있다. 그 문이 완전히 열릴 때 북한은 새로운 실험의 장이 될 수 있다. 정부 운영 방식과 기반 시설 구축 등에서 다른 나라들이 해 보지 못한 것들을 시도해 볼 수 있다.

하지만 새로운 실험의 이익들이 남북한의 평범한 사람들에게 고스란히 돌아간다는 보장은 없다. 언론 보도를 보면, 이미 미국의 자본가와 일본•중국의 투자자들이 북한의 풍부한 광물 자원과 값싼 노동력을 활용해 빠른 부를 창출할 ‘약탈 경제’를 계획하고 있다는 징후들이 발견된다. 그렇게 되면 빈곤한 북한 주민들에게 갈 이익이 국제 투자자들에게 가게 된다. 이것은 최근 이라크에서 나타난 모습이기도 하다.

대안이 있다. 북한이 착취적 성장을 거부하면서도 지속 가능한 경제•정치적 성공에 도달하는 제3의 길이 있다. 그것은 현재 국제적으로 부상하고 있는 ‘글로벌 커먼스(commons)’ 경제를 활용하는 것이다. 협력적 생산 방식으로 사회를 구축하는 커먼스 체제는 이미 곳곳에서 여러 분야로 퍼지고 있다.

북한은 사실상 처음부터 시작하는 것이나 다름없다. 다른 국가들의 문화를 망가뜨린 상업주의나 소비 물신주의도 거의 없다. 그래서 새로움에 대한 상상력의 폭도 넓을 수 있다. 북한은 그 어떤 곳보다도 포괄적인 방식으로 ‘블록체인’이나 ‘홀로 체인’과 같은 ‘검증 인터넷’ 방식을 채택할 수 있다. 의사 결정 과정이 사회 전체에 분산되면 권위주의 정치를 타파할 수 있고, 사회 공동체가 정책의 우선순위를 설정할 수 있는 권한을 가질 수 있다. 북한의 노동력과 광물자원이 착취를 당하는 대신에 자본이 아닌 사람들에 의해 작동되는 긍정적인 세계화의 모델을 개발할 수도 있다.

북한에는 현대적 기술이 거의 없다. 북한의 출발점이 제로(0)이기에 이런 상상을 해 볼 수 있다. 북한의 모든 건물을 태양광 발전에 활용할 수 있다. 북한에서 지역별 경제적 자치를 구축하는 수단으로 암호 화폐 및 크라우드 펀딩을 사용해 지역 협동조합을 육성할 수도 있다. 외국인 투자를 크라우드 펀딩 형태로 만드는 것도 가능하다. 진공청소기, 세탁기, 태양열 발전기 등 주요 물품들을 공동체에 맡기는 공유경제 시스템을 도입할 수도 있다. 북한의 개방은 이렇게 건강한 국제화 모델을 구축할 귀중한 기회가 될 수 있다. Read more of this post

「北朝鮮とコモンズ共有経済: 新種国家の為の白紙状態なのか?」 ハフィントン ポスト

 

ハフィントン ポスト

「北朝鮮とコモンズ共有経済: 新種国家の為の白紙状態なのか?」

2018年 11月 8日

エマニュエル パストリッチ

新たに浮上する北朝鮮は、持続可能かつ協力的な経済及び社会発展の新たな基準を国際社会に提供することができるだろうか? 地政学的変化と新しい技術のお陰で、共有経済「コモンズ」の考え方は益々実現可能なものに見える。南北の関係が急速度に変わりつつあるため、緊急な問題はもはや次の段階の和解プロセスのにあるのではなく、政治的、経済的及び文化的認識に向かっている。 Read more of this post

“共生共享制:朝鲜国家发展的第三条路” 多维新闻

多维新闻

“共生共享制:朝鲜国家发展的第三条路”

2018年 11月 5日

贝一明

 

在国际舞台上初露锋芒的朝鲜能否开创先河,成为可持续性合作型经济与社会发展的新标杆?随着地缘政治变局的频频发生与新兴科技成果的不断问世,在国家范围内推行“共生共享制”似乎愈发可行。

朝韩两国的关系日异月殊,亟待我们解决的问题已经不再是下一步的和解措施,而是从政治、经济与文化发展的角度,朝鲜半岛何去何从?

随着新理念与新科技的流入,“隐士国家”(Hermit Nation)体制转型的大门正在徐徐开启。尝试采用全新的治国方略、兴建别样的基础设施或许可以使朝鲜成为典范,给其他国家以启迪。

然而,虽说朝鲜半岛的发展前景看好,但媒体报道有跨国企业意图在朝鲜建立掠夺性经济体系,通过开发丰富的矿产、剥削廉价的劳动力来迅速攫取财富。 Read more of this post