Circles and Squares

Insights into Korea's Sudden Rise

韓国人だけが知らない別の大韓民国! 

韓国人だけが知らない別の大韓民国!

 

国経済

 

エマニュエル・パストリッチ教授(慶煕大)の『韓国人だけが知らない別の大韓民国』という本を読んだ。「ハーバード大博士が見た韓国の可能性」という副題がついている。表紙を飾った彼の顔の上に「アジアに登場するもう一つの一等国は韓国だ」という刺激的な言葉が目を引く。

パストリッチ教授の韓国名はイ・マンヨルだ。韓国人の夫人の姓から付けた名前という。先日、偶然の機会に会って話をしてみると、実名より韓国名がよく似合うと感じられた。「最近は時々、英語の単語を思い出せず困る」と韓国語で冗談を言うほどだ。彼は韓日中3カ国の古典文学と歴史を深く研究し、博士学位を取得した。韓国の歴史と文化に対する見識が彼に比べて不足していることを恥じると、「その必要は全くない。私はそれを専攻した」と、むしろ私をかばった。

パストリッチ教授は、韓国は人口2000万人を超える国のうち、植民地を経営した経験なく先進国になった世界最初の例だと指摘する。韓国戦争が休戦に入った1953年当時、ソマリアと似たレベルの経済力だった韓国が、わずか2世代で先進国入りした根本的な背景は何だろうか。その答えは韓国の過去にあるというのが、彼の主張だ。数千年間続いた知的・文化的伝統があったため、こうした奇跡が可能になったということだ。

それでも韓国人が“クジラ(日本・中国)に挟まれたエビ(韓国)”コンプレックスを抱え、過去を否定して克服の対象と考える現実があまりにも残念だと話す。韓国が一等国になるカギは自分たちの過去にあるにもかかわらず、なぜその“宝”に背を向けるのか分からないということだ。韓国の文化と伝統の価値をきちんと知らせ、正当な評価を受けることができれば、韓国は「コリアディスカウント」から抜け出すだけでなく「コリアプレミアム」を享受できると、彼は確信している。 Read more of this post

“CARE FOR OUR COMMON HOME” TAI Seminar on Pope Francis and Climate Change

 

“CARE FOR OUR COMMON HOME”
THE POTENTIAL OF POPE FRANCIS’S ENCYCLICAL LETTER ON CLIMATE CHANGE

ASIA INSTITUTE OPEN FORUM

FATHER JOSEPH CHO

CHAIRMAN FOR THE COMMITTEE FOR THE ENVIRONMENT

CARITAS

EMANUEL PASTREICH

DIRECTOR

THE ASIA INSTITUTE

 

DATE: TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 8, 2015

6:30-8:OO PM

LOCATION: W STAGE @ ANGUK

Read more of this post

“Japan’s Peace Constitution is the future, not the past” (Asia Today 2015-08-13)

Asia Today

“Japan’s Peace Constitution is the future, not the past”

2015-08-13

Emanuel Pastreich

Japan’s future role in global security is the most significant question in the minds of many in East Asia on the seventieth anniversary of the end of the Pacific War. Unfortunately, the drive of the conservatives in Tokyo to develop an assertive conventional military, something they consider to be a prerequisite to status as a “normal country” has resulted in an exponential rise in political tensions in East Asia and deep questions about what Japan’s long-term motives are.

Many within Japan itself question the rationale for such a rapid push to beef up the Japanese military, slough off the restrictions on military action dictated by the peace constitution and put Japan on a path to serving as a major supplier of weapons technology with a military that is activel engaged around the world.

Towards this goal Japan has embraced the ambiguous concept of “collective defense” which allows it to interpret its way out of the completely unambiguous Article Nine of the Constitution,  “land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained.”

Japanese conservatives suggest that Japan needs to shoulder its international responsibilities as a member of the G-7 and become a “normal nation” that can project military force. Although, in fact, Japan, with the seventh largest military budget, has gone already far beyond any normal nation in terms of its spending.

I can certainly understand the desire of the Japanese to be leaders and play a central role in international affairs. After all, Japan has a powerful economy, some of the most advanced technology and a remarkable cultural tradition. But the Japanese need to ask themselves a serious question: will Japan be a more of a global leader if it abandons its peace constitution, or if it embraces it and enhances it?

Many frown on any suggestions that the peace constitution might be relevant to our age. Recently, Robert Dujarric, a leading Japan security expert, went as far as to write that, “Article 9…is incompatible with surviving in a dangerous world. It’s a noble aspiration but is not policy-relevant.”

But what exactly is incompatible about the “peace constitution” and survival? Without any doubt the greatest threat today is from climate change, which will devastate the major coastal cities of Asia, dramatically reduce food productivity and make large regions of the world uninhabitable. A recent study headed by James Hansen, the former director of NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies, suggests that staying within the internationally agreed goal of keeping the planet within the 2-degree Celsius temperature warming limit will not avoid the melting of the Antarctic and Greenland glaciers. The inevitable result will be the flooding of numerous major cities, like Tokyo, Shanghai and Busan, with seawater.

A “peace constitution” could be a major advantage to Japan as it works together with nations around the world to respond to this existential threat. For example, the peace constitution would force the country to dedicate its resources to emerging non-security threats, thereby making it far more prepared for the challenges of climate change because it does not spend as much on tanks and planes and other technologies that are not relevant to survival in a warming world. The result would not be a Japan that is not punching its weight in military affairs, but rather a Japan that is truly a leader for the first time in security issues.

Japan already has the advanced technologies related to climate change adaptation and mitigation, solar and wind power, electric batteries, and other systems for responding to an increasingly inhospitable environment.

Rather than trying to model Japan’s security strategy on that of the United States, a country that is in serious trouble because of its military over-extension, Japan should move in a more constructive direction, focusing on the one security threat that all experts agree on.

The Self-defense forces could be transformed into organizations that fully support the import of article nine, rather than contradict it, and thereby become models for positive institutional innovation.

For example, the future Ground Self-Defense Force could focus on the global battle against desertification and mass its resources to address the degradation of land and the destruction of forests around the world.

The Maritime Self-Defense Force could focus its attention on addressing the rising temperature of the ocean and the threat posed to the world by its growing acidification. The Self-Defense Force could also give attention to humanitarian relief related to climate change and stopping the dangerous overfishing of the oceans. Finally, the Air Self-Defense Force could devote its resources to the surveying the impact of global warming from the air and addressing problems related to the atmosphere.

It is no simple task to reinvent military. But it is not the first time in history that new circumstances have forced a radical rethinking of security priorities. Better to look at this challenge as an opportunity for Japan to return to its tradition of brave innovation and institutional reform. Finally, such a security strategy requires close engagement with nations throughout Asia and around the world that could make Japan the center of a new security network dedicated to this emerging threat.

The move beyond a conventional military is not an unrealistic pacifist impulse, but rather a historic decision by Japan to address the changing nature of security directly. Although Japan did not have had full autonomy to choose the peace constitution, Japan can chose its destiny this time, positioning itself to lead as nations around the world recalibrate to address the threat of climate change.

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“일본의 평화헌법은 ‘과거’가 아닌 ‘미래'” (아시아 투데이 2015년 08월 13일)

아시아 투데이

“일본의 평화헌법은 ‘과거’가 아닌 ‘미래'”

2015년 08월 13일

 

페스트라이쉬 임마누엘

 

 

 

세계 안보분야에서 일본의 향후 역할은 태평양 전쟁 종식 70주년을 맞는 여러 동아시아 국가들에 있어 가장 중요한 문제다. 불행히도 도쿄 보수파들이 ‘보통국가’ 라는 지위의 전제조건이라 생각하며 몰아 부친 적극적인 재래식 군대의 개발은 동아시아 내 정치적 긴장을 기하급수적으로 상승시키고 있다. 그리고 일본의 궁극적 동기가 무엇인지에 대한 깊은 질문을 가져왔다.

일본 내에서도 많은 이들이 일본의 군사력 강화와 평화헌법에 규정된 군사행동 제한의 폐지, 그리고 일본이 무기 기술의 주요공급체로 활동하는 것과 관련한 움직임이 빠르게 진행되는 것에 의문을 제기하고 있다. Read more of this post

“公鸡中的战斗机 手机中的法拉利” (百度百家: 今日亚洲 2015年08月11日)

百度百家: 今日亚洲

“公鸡中的战斗机 手机中的法拉利”

2015年08月11日

贝一明

 

意大利汽车行业的生产能力虽然比美国甚至韩国、日本都要弱,但在思考IT领域的未来发展问题上,意大利却为我们提供了一条能够占领优势的途径。意大利并不是靠主流消费品,而是以本国具有统治性地位的奢侈品市场开拓了国际市场。“匠人精神”、时尚以及人体工学的重点在于:如果制造出像法拉利和兰博基尼这种具有国际竞争力的汽车品牌,将会对经济产生非常积极的影响。

意大利产品兼具美感和艺术性,向亚洲人展示着其开拓世界市场的灵感。智能手机市场尤其适用于这一事实。

现在看来,东亚国家并不需要更多的技术或者生产能力,他们真正需要的是,像苹果手机那样能够抓住用户的想象力,然后设计一款能够定义一个新的领域的尖端设备。

最重要的则是要开发像Gucci和法拉利那样,即使限量发售却仍然拥有超凡的影响力,并占领市场绝对优势的高级智能机。“手机中的法拉利”,它的创造性和奢华足以让它成为最尖端的产品,站在所有竞争者的最前端。 Read more of this post

“日本和平宪法 不在昨日着眼未来” (百度百家: 今日亚洲 2015年 08月 13日)

百度百家: 今日亚洲

“日本和平宪法 不在昨日着眼未来”

2015-08-13

贝一明

 

时值太平洋战争结束70周年,日本未来将在世界安保中扮演怎样的角色,成为了东亚各国共同关注的重要话题。然而东京右翼以谋求“正常国家”的地位为口号,准备积极发展军事力量,这使得东亚地区的紧张气氛骤然升级,让人不禁对日本长期发展武装力量的动机产生了质疑。

日本国内也有许多人对日本积极发展军事力量持怀疑态度,并呼吁日本根据和平宪法的规定停止军事行动,不再向海外提供武器技术等。

为达到扩充军事力量的目标,日本回避和平宪法第九条中“不保持海陆空军和其他战争力量”的内容,提出了模棱两可的“集体防卫”概念。日本右翼提出,日本作为G7成员国之一,要担负起国际责任,这就意味着日本必须成为拥有军事力量的“正常国家”。其实日本的军费开支在世界上排名第七,早已超出了“正常国家”的范围。

我理解日本渴望成为世界领袖,在国际问题上发挥重要作用的愿望。日本不仅拥有先进科技,在取得了令世人瞩目的经济发展的同时还保持着多姿多彩的民族文化传统。然而日本必须面对这样一个问题:放弃或继承和平宪法,走哪一条路才能使日本成为真正的世界领袖? Read more of this post

“日本の平和憲法は「過去」ではなく「未来」である” (ハフィントンポスト 2015年08月14日 )

ハフィントンポスト

 

 

“日本の平和憲法は「過去」ではなく「未来」である”

2015年08月14日

 

パストリッチ エマニュエル

 

世界の安全保障における日本の今後の役割は、アジア太平洋戦争終結70周年の東アジアにおいて多くの関心を集めている最も重要な問題である。残念ながら、従来型の軍事力を主張する日本の保守派の動きは、「普通の国」の地位を獲得することがその前提条件であると考え、東アジアにおける政治的緊張を急激に高め、日本が長期的にいかなる意図をもっているのかについて、深い憂慮の念を抱かせている。

多くの日本国民は、このように急激に軍事力強化を推進する合理的理由、そして平和憲法による軍事行動の制限をなくし、日本が世界じゅうに軍事技術を提供することに疑問をもっている。

日本はそのような目的のため、憲法9条の「陸海空その他戦力はこれを保持しない」という明確な規定を逸脱して解釈することを可能にする「集団的自衛権」という曖昧な概念を採用している。 Read more of this post

“한국은 50년 신생국이 아닙니다” (조선BIZ 2015.08.14)

조선BIZ

한국은 50년 신생국이 아닙니다”

2015.08.14

전병근 기자

모처럼 최고 지도자 입에서 책 이야기가 나왔다. 대통령이 여름휴가 때 읽은 것이라고 했다. 제목까지 거명했다. ‘한국인만 모르는 다른 대한민국’. 저자는 임마누엘 페스트라이쉬 경희대 국제대학원 교수다. 대한민국 사람이 아닌 미합중국인이다.

그래도 한국 고전문학을 20년 가까이 공부했고 연암 박지원의 소설을 영어로 옮긴 학자로 일찍이 국내에도 이름을 알렸다. 지금은 한국에서 가족과 함께 산 지 8년째다. 한국 이름까지 있다. 이만열. 결혼을 앞두고 한국인 장인이 지어준 이름이다.

그런 그와 나는 구면이다. 3년 전이었다. 안동에서도 차로 30분을 더 들어간 군자마을에서 토크 콘서트가 열렸다. 주제가 선비 정신이었다. 한국사학계의 원로 정옥자 서울대 명예교수와 대담 상대로 나선 이가 그였다. 알고 보니 학벌이 길고 굵었다. 예일대 학사에 도쿄대 석사, 하버드대 박사 과정을 차례로 거친 동아시아 문화 연구자라고 했다.

그래 봐야 한국 전통 사상에 대해 얼마나 알까. 입을 열 때마다 ‘썬비’ ‘썬비’ 하는 그의 발음만큼이나 학문적 내공에 대해서는 의심이 없지 않았다. 적어도 처음에는. 하지만 그의 책을 찾아 읽으면서 생각을 고쳐먹었다. 그는 문제의식이 진지한 사람이었다. 한국에 대한 얕은 이해로 자기 몸값을 유지하려 드는 외국인 학자 같지는 않았다.

우리 전통문화에 대한 관심이 현재 상황에 대한 관찰과 보편적 해답의 모색과 긴밀히 연결돼 있었다. 그는 책에 이렇게 썼다.

“한국의 많은 지식인은 한국이 100여 년 전 구한말의 상황과 다를 것이 없다면서 더욱 열심히 일해서 나라를 부강하게 만들지 않으면 언제 나라를 빼앗길지 모른다는 경고를 만고불변의 진리나 주문처럼 외고 있다. 한국이 여기서 경제 발전을 멈추고 근면한 생활을 중단한다면 또다시 저개발 국가로 주저앉을 수 있다는 우려감은 한국에서 가장 자주 동원되는 논리다.” Read more of this post

“王도 나랏일 마음대로 못했던 조선의 권력분립·소통 배워야” (조선일보)

조선일보 

“王도 나랏일 마음대로 못했던 조선의 권력분립·소통 배워야”

2015.08.13

“한국 공직자들이 해외 정책 사례를 찾아다니기보다 고유의 우수한 행정 시스템과 리더십을 배웠으면 한다.”

박근혜 대통령이 최근 우리 전통의 세계화를 강조하며 수차례 언급한 ‘한국인만 모르는 다른 대한민국’의 저자 이매뉴얼 페스트라이시 경희대 국제대학원 교수는 12일 본지 전화 인터뷰에서 “공직자들이 배워야 할 우수한 국가 운영 철학과 지도자상이 한국 역사에 많다고 생각한다”며 이같이 말했다.

그는 13일 과천 중앙공무원교육원에서 중앙 부처 실·국장과 지방자치단체 부단체장 등 1000여명을 대상으로 한 국정 과제 세미나 특강을 한다. 페스트라이시 교수는 “공직자들에게 선비 정신, 홍익인간의 민본주의, 다산 정약용의 통치 철학 등을 외국에 수출하는 역발상을 해보라고 제안할 것”이라고 했다.

그는 “한국에선 ‘민주주의는 서양에서 배워와야 한다’고 생각하더라”며 “그러나 (조선이 문을 연) 14세기부터 권력 분립과 투명한 행정, 책임감 있는 정치 리더십이 태동했고 17~18세기엔 당대 세계의 중심인 명·청보다도 우수한 통치 시스템을 자랑했다”고 했다. 또 “조선시대 왕(王)도 나랏일을 마음대로 할 수 없었다. 다양한 세력과 소통하고 권력을 나눠야 했다”며 “한국 고유의 정치 문화가 ‘권위주의 독재’라고 자학하는 것은 잘못”이라고 말했다.

미국인인 페스트라이시 교수는 하버드대 동아시아문명학 박사 출신으로 일리노이대 교수 등을 거쳐 8년 전 한국에 정착했다. 그는 “한국 공직 사회는 고학력 남성이란 비슷한 사람들끼리만 의사 결정을 하다 보니 창의적 아이디어가 안 나오는 것 같다”며 “예술가, 여성, 시민단체 출신, 외국인 등 이질적 집단이 정책 결정에 참여할 수 있어야 한다”고 했다.

 

“Korea’s Unique Position for Military Reform” (JoongAng Daily August 10, 2015)

JoongAng Daily

“Korea’s Unique Position for Military Reform”  

August 10, 2015

Emanuel Pastreich

 

 

 

The United States Navy’s Pacific Fleet in Pearl Harbor hosts the biannual RIMPAC (Rim of the Pacific) Exercises in June and July, an immensely successful program that encourages global military cooperation and helps to reduce regional tensions in East Asia

The RIMPAC Exercises invite representatives of military forces from the entire Pacific Rim to participate in military exercises that promote enhanced interoperability between forces and improve readiness for a wide range of military scenarios. The most important result of the RIMPAC Exercises has been the growth of personal relations and practical military-to-military partnerships throughout the region at the working level.

Significantly, the People’s Liberation Army Navy was invited to participate in the 2014 exercises, marking the first time China has joined a large-scale naval drill organized by the United States.

In spite of headlines in newspapers about a “new cold war,” multilateral military cooperation remains a strong trend globally, in part because emerging security threats, like cyber warfare, by their very nature are complex and demand multilateral responses.

This new environment offers a tremendous opportunity for Korea as a middle power to become a leader in military innovation and reform. Korea is no simple middle power, after all. Korea is perhaps the first country without a tradition of imperialism to reach such a level of influence in technology, trade and culture. And Korea does so while maintaining good relations with all the major powers and with many developing nations.

Korea should organize a new variation on RIMPAC that will bring together working-level officers from Pacific Rim nations for exercises that will build a new level of trust in the region and make military exercises an opportunity for unity, rather than creating new tensions.

Such a new RIMPAC exercise should focus on emerging security issues and could extend participation to include the nations of Southeast and Central Asia.

The overwhelming security threat for Asia today is climate change and the new role of the military in mitigation of climate change. Adaptation to the resulting broad security threats would be an ideal theme for a Korean-led RIMPAC exercise.

In light of the recent report on the rapid rise of sea levels by the renowned NASA scientist James Hansen, formulating a global response to the threat of climate change has become a priority for all militaries, particularly the navy.

The Climate Change RIMPAC exercises would focus on drills for the response to security challenges related to climate change including, but not limited to, evacuation, disaster relief and reconstruction following storms and floods. Recent super-typhoons like Nargis (2008) and Haiyan (2013) demonstrate that climate change is overwhelmingly the greatest threat to security in Asia, and such storms will increasingly inch north as climate change progresses.

In addition to military exercises, the Climate Change RIMPAC should include global competitions by militaries of Asia for new environmentally friendly technologies.

The example of the U.S. Department of Defense’s “Smart Power Infrastructure Demonstration for Energy Reliability and Security,” or SPIDERS, program is a good example of what could be done. The SPIDERS program conducted in 2013 the world’s first-ever test of a micro-grid handling an input of 90 percent renewable energy.

The military representatives at the Climate Change RIMPAC could compete for prizes for new technologies in fields like solar and wind power, electric batteries, power grids, environmental conservation and the use of intelligence and surveillance technologies to monitor and respond to the changing state of the oceans using a multilateral platform.

Such competitions will have even more impact if they are held together with an international conference, where the invited militaries can present papers about their advances in fields related to climate change. Topics like recycling, energy efficiency, water security, electric motors and the prevention of desertification could be subjects for presentations.

Such a Climate Change RIMPAC could be an excellent topic to bring at the Barack Obama-Xi Jinping summit in November this year. When President Obama visited Beijing last year, the two leaders firmly stated their commitment to closer military cooperation and a joint response to climate change. The Climate Change RIMPAC would be a concrete step to bring together both issues.

The proposal for a Climate Change RIMPAC could segue to the Paris Climate Change Conference planned for December, where world leaders will be pressed to come up with concrete responses to the growing fears of climate change’s impact on the entire world.

Finally, a Climate Change RIMPAC could also be an opportunity to establish an international think tank in Korea dedicated to this emerging topic: the military’s role in the mitigation of, and adaptation to, climate change.

Although this topic is guaranteed to attract increasing attention in the years ahead, there is no such think tank in existence. Because of the global consensus on climate change, a think tank focused on military reform as part of a response to climate change would offer a neutral space in which military leaders could meet for discussions on a variety of topics without any fear of political fallout.

Considering the Green Climate Fund and Global Green Growth Institute are here in Korea, the country has unique credentials to host a Climate Change RIMPAC and set up a think tank focused on military reform and the response to climate change.

Korea needs to take advantage of its technical expertise, its military know-how and the geopolitical positioning necessary to respond to a rapidly growing threat.

 

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